28 November 2024
Senator BIRMINGHAM (South Australia—Leader of the Opposition in the Senate) (16:01): ‘This too shall pass’—it’s an ancient Persian proverb, the lesson being that, through times of despair or elation, neither shall last forever. It is a keeper of perspective that I’ve found useful through the highs and lows of political travails.
Now, it is time for my parliamentary service to also pass. Some will be kind enough to be disappointed to see me go—maybe only a rare few but some. To them, I am sorry, especially to those who feel that I’m letting them or the team down at this time. Others, as is the nature of this business, will be delighted to see the back of me. To them, I am also sorry. I’m sorry that I’m giving you this joy, but staying just to spite my opponents or to prove them wrong is no good reason to stay. In any event, it is always better to go when there are some wishing you to stay, and none of us is irreplaceable. Now is the right time for me, for my family and for new career pathways.
I am excited that next year I will step into a new commercially oriented direction. You can all be relieved to know that it has nothing to do with lobbying, government relations or commentary! This year I hit the big five zero. It provided cause for gratitude on the wonderful life I’ve been fortunate to craft and reflection on the priorities that lie ahead. There is so much in my life that I do have reason to be thankful for. Professionally, I will leave here just short of 18 remarkable years as a senator for the great state of South Australia. Perhaps it is best to get out before hitting 18 and reaching Senate adulthood—whatever that might look like.
When I entered this chamber in May 2007, I was its youngest member at the time. I will leave, thankfully, not as its oldest but as the longest continuously serving of my current coalition colleagues. I’ve been fortunate to spend more time on the government benches than in opposition, to have had a near decade as a minister and to have the vast majority of it as a cabinet minister. For more than four years, I’ve had the honour of leading my party here in this Senate serving as both leader of the government and leader of the opposition. I do know which one I preferred!
I’ve seen, during those near 18 years, too many prime ministers, and I acknowledge the political blood on my own hands during those more turbulent times. I’ve worked at sufficiently close quarters to PMs to see the real and constant stresses of that job. I acknowledge all of those who have held our nation’s most important office during my time in this parliament, from Prime Minister Howard all the way through to Prime Minister Albanese.
I particularly thank the Liberal PMs in whose party room I served. John Howard was always generous with his time and advice, especially in my early years. Tony Abbott gave me the opportunity to serve on the frontbench and, through his win in 2013, in the ministry. Malcolm Turnbull promoted me to cabinet, backed me in the pursuit of difficult reforms and brought me into his leadership group. And Scott Morrison was to challenge me with roles in the Expenditure Review Committee, the National Security Committee, the leadership of this chamber and the joys of being a campaign spokesman through two elections. Politics, though, should never be about the titles you’ve held but what you do with them. I hope to be judged to have left a positive legacy.
As education minister, we cleaned up the rorted mess that was VET FEE-HELP and replaced it with student support, targeted to job-enabling skills with real limits on fees. In higher education, like many education ministers, parts of my agenda were foiled by this chamber. A key direction I sought to take, which I urge future ministers to revisit, was to create a performance element to university payments, linking some Commonwealth support to graduate employment outcomes. Supply-side decisions made by universities play a huge role in shaping the graduate mix across our country. It is in the interests of both students and the economy for universities to face both reputational and financial incentives to get the enrolment mix right.
I had more success in abolishing the historic maze of multiple childcare payments, replacing them with a single childcare subsidy and targeting support to those working the hardest but earning the least. Means testing and activity testing the CCS were critical to maximise workforce participation and choice for families without breaking the budget. It would be fiscally reckless and of limited genuine benefit to abandon these limits. Simultaneously, we backed safety nets for early education and, to get more kids into preschool, began shifting state payments from ineffective enrolment based payments to much more important attendance based payments.
My biggest fight as education minister was, of course, over school funding. I inherited a wicked dilemma. On one side were the reforms recommended to the Gillard government by the Gonski review, which had been compromised via a big-spending, no-losers approach that, instead of Gonski funding, maintained 28 different funding deals for schools. On the other side were budget repair initiatives of the Abbott government that sought to strip away the big spending but had no chance of passing the Senate and also maintained funding inequities. After many conversations with the ever-thoughtful David Gonski, and with the unwavering backing of Malcolm Turnbull, we determined that the only way out of the dilemma was a principled implementation of the Gonski recommendations.
Applying the principle of Gonski’s funding formula meant having the courage to create losers as well as winners. Some of those who stood to lose fought hard; others played politics. That was their right, even if, at times, their positions betrayed their purported values. As I said at the time–to some controversy–an opponent or two sold out their values for a few pieces of silver. But many education leaders, faith leaders and experts put principles first, even if it required a difficult transition for a few. Ultimately, we were to prevail, securing 10 crossbench votes at the time. I notice Rebekah Sharkie in the chamber. Bek, you helped with getting those crossbench votes, too.
We did so to put school funding on a more needs based and more consistent footing, which enabled more choice for families of all means and greater support for those of most need. The Grattan Institute’s Peter Goss wrote: ‘This is a victory for the schoolchildren of Australia over politics.’ I also acknowledge Michael Chaney, who took on the task of overseeing the technical efficacy of the funding formulas, including improving measures of income. I take some pride in the fact that our changes are enduring, with the current government’s school funding changes based entirely on the model and formulas we legislated. But we didn’t stop with funding.
Thanks to bipartisan support in my home state, we began the spread of an early-use phonic based reading check across Australia. I was pleasantly surprised when, at my 50th birthday bash in June, the musician turned up. He introduced himself as a teacher in his day job and told me that his principal had asked him to thank me for the phonics check. That was the last thing I was expecting at the start of my 50th. The Gonski 2.0 report, which looked at how record funding should be applied for better outcomes, laid the foundations for these and other practical reforms. Its recommendations on developing basic skills, more effectively measuring student progress and recognising our best teachers deserve to be fully implemented. It was quite a change to move from the classrooms of the education portfolio to the entrepreneurs of the trade, tourism and investment portfolio, but I loved the transformative nature that each brings to our nation. Our government delivered the biggest ever expansion of preferential market access for Australian exporters, lifting the share of Australian exports with advantageous rights of entry into our export markets from 27 per cent when elected to more than 80 per cent.
I was proud to oversee the implementation of the CPTTP, to sign the Indonesia-Australia Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement and to finalise the Hong Kong FTA, the Pacific Agreement on Closer Economic Relations with our Pacific island family and the landmark digital economy agreement with Singapore as well as launch the negotiations for our eventual FTA with the United Kingdom. In particular, I take pride in having secured the 15-nation Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement. RCEP created the world’s largest trade bloc, encompassing around 30 per cent of both global population and global GDP and cemented Australia’s place as an integrated economic partner with ASEAN and others major Asian economies. We also launched Australia’s India economic strategy and led a delegation of more than 100 education, tourism, energy, resources and agribusiness leaders as part of the first Australia-India Business Exchange.
However, my time as trade minister coincided with the beginning of a great crisis, the COVID-19 global pandemic, and a big warning, China’s attempt at coercive trade sanctions. I will never forget Saturday 1 February 2020. I was spending the morning at the Liberal preselection that brought Andrew McLachlan to this place, while the family prepared to host Tilly’s 9th birthday party that afternoon. Then came the message of a special National Security Committee meeting being called. This was bad news. First, I had to tell Courtney I may not make the birthday party! But, more seriously, I also knew what was coming. That was the meeting at which we determined to close Australia’s borders to China.
As trade and tourism minister, this was a decision of such consequence for the stakeholders I represented. I challenged the health advice but could ultimately see the wisdom in the precautions being taken. It was the first of so many monumental decisions to be taken—further border closures, the JobKeeper program, standing up a government run air-freight coordination mechanism, actions to save tourism businesses, and just so many more through COVID. Our actions weren’t perfect, nor in such unprecedented times was the information we had available to us to base those decisions on perfect. But on the whole I am very confident that the Morrison government’s decisions saved many Australian lives and livelihoods.
In the midst of this global crisis, the wolf warrior diplomacy being deployed at the time by the Chinese government suddenly struck numerous Australian export sectors. As I’ve said many times, Australians should be proud that our businesses, our economy and our nation withstood that attempted coercion. China’s actions betrayed the commitments our countries had made to one another, and whatever differences our governments had there was no justification for those trade sanctions. Incidentally, the WTO’s multiparty interim arbitration agreement that we had negotiated with China due to US blockages—and did so with China and other parties—actually became useful leverage for the ultimate resolution of those disputes. China is a great power, but this was an abuse of power, as we sadly see the Chinese government deploy too often in their military actions and in other conduct that is increasing risk and instability in our world. We all wish to preserve peace and stability. That requires genuine deterrence and effective diplomacy.
Shortly after I became finance minister, Scott Morrison brought me into the early discussions among a very small group of NSC ministers about the possible acquisition of nuclear powered submarine capabilities. As if the pandemic decisions hadn’t been monumental enough, the birth of the AUKUS partnership involved the most consequential of national security decisions arguably since the signing of the ANZUS treaty.
Subsequently, when we lost the election, I was to take on the shadow foreign affairs portfolio and in doing so have seen the most challenging of times emerge across the world. I salute the courageous Ukrainians, the determined Israelis. I pay tribute and acknowledge the tragedy of lives lost in the Palestinian territories, in Lebanon and in so many other conflicts around the world but particularly those that are being fuelled by the axis of Iran, North Korea and Russia—all too much enabled by certain Chinese policies. At the time we embarked upon AUKUS, we also oversaw the unwinding of pandemic assistance, the beginning of post-pandemic budget repair and an economy that drove unemployment to its lowest levels in my lifetime.
I was also responsible, as finance minister, for working with former sex discrimination commissioner Kate Jenkins on delivery and initial implementation of the Set the standard report. This was important work, and I value the contribution that I was able to make alongside colleagues across the chamber, but I do want to press that I do not accept the perceptions peddled by some in this building of it being a universally toxic workplace. There are many staff and members of parliament of all political persuasions who not only work hard and achieve much but actually enjoy their time here too. They should be proud of their work and take pride in coming to work in this place, and, whilst we should never tolerate the types of behaviours that led to the Jenkins report, the whole should not have their experiences universally besmirched.
After all those experiences and, indeed, those even before I was trade minister, I was, and remain unashamedly, a free trader. I do fear the world is headed into an era where populism trumps good policy. Australia must protect our interests. As the two largest free trade blocs, RCEP and CPTPP must be protected and enhanced to ensure that a free and open Asia-Pacific region remains the world’s economic growth engine. In doing so, that will be best for Australia’s interests too.
In my new life, I look forward to advancing these interests and to helping to practically grow our trade and investment flows through our region. With that, we should also be clear that it’s important to celebrate the profits of Australian companies, not undermine them. We should also acknowledge that Australia needs migration if we are to fund ambitions in sectors like defence and maintain essential services as our population ages. We should also be bold in the use of data to drive government efficiency and stare down the conspiracy theorists who jeopardise such productivity measures, and we should seek to unite Australians, not divide them.
I remain proud of my small role in securing marriage equality in Australia, having been the first coalition frontbencher to publicly back marriage reform. The ultimate strength of the ‘yes’ vote for marriage equality demonstrated that Australians overwhelmingly back concepts of equality and respect for each other, regardless of our differences. We must learn this lesson in all aspects of our work, including in the pursuit of reconciliation with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians. We should strive to make Australians proud of having the oldest continuously living culture in the world, not ashamed due to disadvantage nor resentful due to perceptions of special treatment. It’s about achieving mutual respect and equality of opportunity for all.
Those on the harder edges of the left and the right who seek to divide our country only make us weaker in our division. Little is gained by culture wars, politicians obsessing over what happens in private bedrooms or anyone seeking to override evidence based medical practice. I am a proud liberal of the John Stuart Mill tradition, preferring less government intervention in both our economy and our personal lives. The global rise of populism and divisive tribalism, peddled by ideological extremes, troubles me. It risks social cohesion in countries like ours and jeopardises the economic wellbeing of countries like ours. I am confident that Australia is a country whose values sit toward the centre and that the parties of government forget that at their peril.
This won’t be universally agreed across the chamber, but, in Peter Dutton, I believe the Liberal Party has a leader who understands that. Peter and I certainly don’t agree on everything, but Peter is grounded and thoroughly decent and has a perspective in touch with many hardworking Australians. I am confident that he would be a strong and effective prime minister, and I wish Peter and the coalition team nothing but success. Without pre-empting the decisions of our party room, I also note that my departure will likely see the first all-woman leadership across this Senate. Good luck to you, Michaelia. Thank you for being a loyal deputy and a good friend. And, I guess, good luck, Penny, in having Michaelia at the table with you!
I have been fortunate to have had it all in many ways: career, family and a great life. And I owe thanks to many—my staff, of course. I’ve been blessed with amazing electorate staff and policy, parliamentary and media advisers. I could never hope to repay what they have collectively done for me. I hope they never forget that my achievements and those of our government’s are their achievements too, be they parliamentary staff, electorate staff or any who have made a contribution. While many have come and gone in my office, and, happily, often gone on to bigger and better things—a few prime ministers seem to like to poach my press secs—we have also had remarkable stability. Loretta Sist and Anthony ‘Buck’ Rogers, two of my first electorate staff, employed all the way back in May 2007, remain part of the team all these years later.
I could wax lyrical about the merits of so many staff past and present, but I do want to single out two in particular for their loyalty and leadership, both known to, I think, the bulk of my colleagues. Loretta, my office manager for the entire journey, has underpinned the standards, ethics and culture of our office. She has become family to us and will forever be so. Rachael Thompson—not game to look at me!—my one and only chief of staff ever since I first became a minister, is potentially the best networked person in this place. However, Rachael’s vast network is genuinely one developed through diligence, professionalism, thoughtfulness, humility and generosity. Thank you to Marcus and Samantha for enabling Rachael to give so much of herself to me.
Truman was wrong when he quipped that, if you want a friend in politics, buy a dog. I take away treasured friendships with current and former parliamentary colleagues—far too many to name, and I will create offence by leaving some out. But I will single out John Gardner and Trudi, James Stevens and Alex, Marise Payne, Christopher Pyne and Carolyn, James McGrath, Scott Ryan and Helen, Jamie Briggs and Estee, Anne Ruston, Sean Edwards and, as I say, no doubt others.
Relations across the aisle are essential too, especially here, where the Senate is ungovernable without a degree of trust between the leaders. Penny, thank you for our trusting working relationship. It’s come a long way from us sparring over the Murray-Darling Basin in my early years here. You are a formidable opponent, a warrior for your cause, and with an intellect that justifies your success. The Murray-Darling, too, incidentally, is a reform where achievements that have been made—world-leading in water recovery and reform—should not be undermined entirely by debate about what more may or may not need to be done. Holding the water portfolio, the Murray-Darling portfolio, in my earliest days is also where I got my first real taste of conflict with the Nats! Bridget, we have become near experts at managing such conflict, along with being good mates, and I thank our coalition partners.
That leaves family and friends. Today would have been my nan Madge Herde’s birthday. She was a huge influence on my life; I spoke about her in my first speech. I know that Mum, who’s here today, and her sister, Margaret, join in taking some added meaning that, on this anniversary, I take my next step. Mum and Jim, Gaye and Roger, Margaret and Neice have all in different ways given Courtney and me the support to juggle crazy professional lives while giving our girls every opportunity possible, along with support further afield from my cousin Lauren.
Fewer truer words have been written about raising children than the phrase ‘it takes a village’. In addition to family, our village is blessed with many treasured friends who have kept us grounded while giving more help than could ever be expected. In particular, to Pricey, Don, Cooper and Ruby, along with Sash, Keano, Georgia and Harvey: thank you for being the best mates anyone could ask for. Many more fun times lie ahead.
I told the Senate in my first speech that my partner, Courtney Morcombe, could be just as capable of standing here as me. Perhaps she should have been, although ‘Courts’ has a typically direct answer when anyone has suggested it; she honestly replies, ‘I don’t like people that much.’ At the time of that first speech, when I referenced Courtney, she was the chief of staff to Adelaide’s lord mayor and I was a backbench senator. We quickly agreed that one of us in politics was enough, so Courtney returned to her professional services career. Somehow, that formula didn’t last. One wedding, two children and 13 years later, we were to find ourselves in the position of me being Australia’s finance minister and Courtney back in politics—not in local government but as chief of staff to the South Australian Premier—also in the midst of that same global pandemic. How we all survived the intensity and madness of it all may forever be one of life’s mysteries. It’s due, of course, to many of those family and friends I mentioned before. As we now enter a time when neither of us shall be in politics, words are insufficient to express my love and gratitude to you, Courtney, and my thanks. You’ve backed me through the toughest of times. You’ve always been my most important and forthright adviser.
Sitting either side of you are Tilly and Amelia. You guys are our world. We love you enormously—okay, stop crying because you’re doing it to me! Tilly, your drive and determination will take you anywhere. Amelia, your care and consideration will ensure you are always surrounded by love.
As I farewell this place I have a few departing observations for the colleagues I leave behind—some of it informed, sadly, by the last couple of days. Colleagues, it is not necessary to target one another and personalise debates to advance the issues important to you. It is not necessary to undermine the principles and practices of this Senate to advance the issues important to you. Every senator is accorded with remarkable privileges and a platform like no other in this nation to advance those issues important to you. Use those privileges and make the most of your platform, and you will be amazed at what you can achieve in this place without crossing the line.
I acknowledge all the Senate staff and all across the Australian Public Service. Rosemary Huxtable, the former head of Finance, thank you for being here with me today. I also acknowledge Tony Cook and George Mina, across Education and Trade, as two amazing public servants among the many I had the privilege of working with.
Serving in the Senate is the honour of a lifetime. I was just the 89th South Australian to do so, and have served, if the maths is right, with 206 of the 647 Australians to have ever been a senator.
Senator Wong: Wow!
Senator BIRMINGHAM: We’ve seen a lot of turnover, Penny!
Those of you who have the honour of continuing in this place carry a great responsibility. I wish you well. Do good. Make a positive difference. Thank you, and farewell.